@Lacius You haven't "addressed" anything
Against my better judgment, let's have one last quick look.
Because I value freedom? Or because I want to achieve equality without sacrificing freedom in the process? Or because I think that the ends don't justify the means?
I've already addressed how freedom works with regard to policy. See my points about laws against slavery, homicide, any just about anything else. One typically cannot give someone 100% of their freedoms without taking away freedoms from someone else, so it is up to the society to figure out whose freedoms are more important. It is perfectly fine for us to have a disagreement about whose freedoms are more important, but don't reframe the topic as something else.
Don't guilt trip me into fighting other people's battles - I have my own methods, like not doing business with people I find morally bankrupt. I fight with my wallet, not with hot air. I don't need nor want the government to strong-arm people who disagree with me into submission. You should never load a gun that one day can be aimed at you.
I've already addressed how your proposed solutions to the problem of discrimination don't actually work. If you want to argue that we shouldn't do anything that actually works, that's your prerogative, but don't argue that the ability of people to boycott businesses, etc. solves the larger problem of discrimination for certain groups of people.
Opinion, not fact. Telling people not to hate each other achieves nothing in my book, they need to come to that conclusion themselves.
Another straw man that I've already addressed. Making discrimination illegal serves the practical purpose of ending discrimination. It says nothing about whom one can hate, and I never claimed to want to tell people whom not to hate (hence the straw man label). A thought "crime" cannot be legislated against. I've also addressed numerous times how history shows us that allowing people to come to antidiscrimination conclusions themselves often doesn't work, especially not in a timely fashion.
Of course it's not. Your rights as a consumer are not violated if someone doesn't want to do business with you - they would be violated if someone took advantage of you or exposed you to harm in the process of doing business with you or sold you a product or service that is not as described in the agreement. You cannot claim that your rights as a consumer were violated if you didn't consume any product or service in the first place.
Not something I addressed until after you posted this. Again, whether or not someone is a consumer is not contingent upon whether or not they can and do buy things from a particular business.
There are potentially thousands of closet peadophiles who cannot seek therapy because sexologists under the current letter of law are obligated to inform the authorities of anyone who is potentially a peadophile, regardless of whether they offended or not. By seeking help and seeing a specialist they expose themselves to criminal investigation and becoming social pariahs, losing their jobs and jeopordizing their well-being even if they've never broken the law. These people are actively persecuted against and live in the shadows with noone to turn to. Your sweet chit-chat about urges is the real cognitive dissonance here - everyone has urges, but not everyone's a rapist. We're not slaves to our urges - as reasonable creatures we can control them to a large extent. In fact, there are people who choose a life of celibacy, for instance for the sake of spiritual enlightenment, in spite of their urges. It's hard not to see parallels here to how homosexuals were treated in the past - as immoral, disgusting outcasts. They need help, therapy, often times they realize it, but they can't get any because society stereotypes them as monsters. Surely you can see that it's a problem, not much unlike the treatment of homosexuals.
I've already responded to and knocked down this particular strawman. I don't believe we have any disagreements about pedophiles, with the possible exception of whether or not sexual attraction to children is a mental disorder. When I argue that pedophilia might be able to be categorized as a mental disorder under the current criteria for what is a mental disorder, that is not me arguing that pedophilia isn't an immutable characteristic or that they don't deserve rights. The criteria that would potentially categorize it as a mental disorder is whether or not it has a negative effect on their lives, and what you've described about the life of a pedophile seems to suggest that it affects one's life negatively.
If you want to argue that pedophilia is not a mental illness, I don't care. I might be able to be convinced that it's not, but the negative consequences of being compelled to rape children and/or the consequences of living a sexually unfilled life, in addition to all the things you listed above, make me think otherwise. Regardless, it's irrelevant to the conversation.
Hits too close to home, huh?
As I've already addressed, I bring up the very legitimate concern about the historical vilification and slippery slope arguments about homosexuals by comparing them to pedophiles. I'm not saying that's what you did, but I thought it was important to acknowledge both it and the irrelevance of the topic.
Of course it didn't - everyone else gets ahead of the game. Businesses are already unfairly taxed, time to tax them less. You asked for one example, here it is. The sole purpose of a business is to make money - if they can make more money, it would be unreasonable to not adjust to the new policy.
Again, I've addressed this point already. Whether or not businesses are taxed unfairly has no relevance to this argument and can as much be used as a justification for any kind of tax break as this one: the
You're a Convicted Child-Molester taxcut, for example. You're essentially using the conversation we're having to argue for another point, not vice versa. To demonstrate, if we lowered taxes to what you think would be fair, would the additional
You're Not a Dick taxcut be a justified loss of revenue? Are the tax breaks likely to curb discrimination, particularly with the taxes hypothetically at historic lows? When looked at objectively, it's a very costly solution with minimal to no return.
Now, it's obvious to me that I've addressed all your points more than once. It's also obvious to me that we've reached an impasse, the conversation is snowballing, and I see no need in furthering this conversation topic. If, however, you think we can have a constructive conversation about this some more, I will respond to you as long as you're a.) constructive, b.) not unfairly reframing the topic as something else, and c.) not being disingenuous and building straw men around my arguments.
I typically enjoy our conversations; I really do. However, the misrepresentations of my arguments alone are enough to disincentivize me from continuing. I also understand your point of view, truly. You're trying to remain consistent to your axiomatic belief in minimal government intervention, which you see as synonymous with freedom. I can empathize with this. However, in order to remain consistent with this belief, there are some evils that have to be taken with it, such as being essentially powerless to stop a lot of bad things, like discrimination, environmental destruction, etc. I believe, based in large part on historical evidence, that the government has a role in making sure the aforementioned evils are minimized without hindering any freedoms that people are logically entitled to. You likely believe the government should have as little a role as possible. You also seem to believe that there are things like market factors that naturally minimize the aforementioned evils. This is why I think you're idealistic, because history shows that's rarely the case. If we agree that discrimination is a problem and that your solutions don't work (by any measure, they don't), then you're either choosing the rights of the discriminatory business over the discriminated, or you believe the government should intervene.
Phew..
Only 7% of Democrats ended up voting for Romney in 2012
http://ropercenter.cornell.edu/polls/us-elections/how-groups-voted/how-groups-voted-2012/ . The last Poll in Virginia (swing state) Shows from 8% to 10% of those who call themself a Democrat would support Trump
http://www.publicpolicypolling.com/pdf/2015/PPP_Release_VA_61616.pdf . Poll taken in Florida (Another important Swing State) Shows a Whopping 14% of people who call themself Democrat will be voting for Trump
http://www.publicpolicypolling.com/pdf/PPP_Release_FL_607161.pdf
Historically, state polls are essentially useless before the party conventions, particularly when we have a large group of the Democratic party still holding out for a specific candidate who isn't the presumptive nominee. Arguably, Secretary Clinton is only just starting to get her post-primary bump. What's most indicative of the November election results this far out (and it's minimal) are aggregate national polls. After the party conventions, it's worth looking at the aggregate state polls more closely, in conjunction with aggregate national polls for the swing states and/or tipping point states.
It is also a bad idea to compare the results of a November election with polling from June. It's also, quite obviously, a bad idea to compare national data with state data. What were Romney's numbers among likely Democratic voters in June, 2012 nationally? By state? I know it also is not a fair comparison since there wasn't a contentious Democratic primary in 2012, but it would be a fairer comparison than what you're doing. A great comparison would be the June, 2008 numbers. I'll see if I can find these.
Trump has a handful of fairly liberal policies that appeal to them
I'm not saying you're wrong, but what are you referring to here?